The New Black Panther Party
Black Power for Black People
Monday, July 10, 2006
America Lies, Katrina Victims Die!
After Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans
The New Black Panther Party Search and Rescue Team led by National Chairman, Attorney, Dr. Malik Zulu Shabazz went into the danger zone to search, rescue and aid black people and to lead them to safety.
The Color of Crime: Study on Racial Differences Released By Nicholas Stix (10/06/05) Imagine if one demographic group in America were 33 times more prone to commit crimes than another group. How would you feel about the relatively crime-prone group? The relatively crime-free group? Wouldn’t you want to know about such differences?
But we don’t have to imagine anything. The above contrast was not a hypothetical case, but rather the statistical relationship of black to Asian crime in America, as detailed in the new report, The Color of Crime, released by the New Century Foundation, the organization that sponsors American Renaissance magazine.
* “… between 2001 and 2003, blacks were 39 times more likely to commit violent crimes against whites than the reverse, and 136 times more likely to commit robbery.â€
* Between 2001 and 2003, blacks committed, on average, 15,400 black-on-white rapes per year, while whites averaged only 900 white-on-black rapes per year.
* “Of the nearly 770,000 violent interracial crimes committed every year involving blacks and whites, blacks commit 85 percent and whites commit 15 percent.â€
But there are five-and-one-half as many whites as blacks. If anything, the numbers should be reversed. After all, as leftists always tell us, all groups are supposed to be equally represented in all categories, for good or ill. (Well, not really. Leftists never call on the NBA and NFL to institute racial parity for white players.)
* Nationally, youth gangs are 90 percent non-white. “Hispanics are 19 times more likely than whites to be members of youth gangs. Blacks are 15 times more likely, and Asians are nine times more likely.â€
* The only crime category in which Asians are more heavily represented than whites is illegal gambling.
* “Blacks commit more violent crime against whites than against blacks. Forty-five percent of their victims are white, 43 percent are black, and 10 percent are Hispanic. When whites commit violent crime, only three percent of their victims are black.â€
But how can that be, when for years commentators of all political persuasions have insisted that the majority of the victims of black crime are themselves black? But it has been true for some time, because blacks increasingly target whites based on the color of the latter’s skin. The commentators have been guilty variously of lying or laziness.
* Far from being guilty of “racially profiling†innocent blacks, police have been exercising racial bias on behalf of blacks, arresting fewer blacks than their proportion of criminals: “… blacks who committed crimes that were reported to the police were 26 percent less likely to be arrested than people of other races who committed the same crimes.â€
* “… police are determined to arrest non-black rather than black criminals.†(I have seen this practice in operation on the streets and subways of New York.)
* “[Blacks] are eight times more likely than people of other races to rob someone, for example, and 5.5 times more likely to steal a car.â€
Well, as everyone knows, innocent blacks get rounded up by the police all the time, so we can safely ignore such statistics. After all, isn’t that what the NAACP, Village Voice, New York Times, and countless black “activists†and prominent academics have been saying for years? And although the folks insisting on the reality of racial profiling have no facts to back up their claims, they enjoy political prestige and moral authority. The Color of Crime, meanwhile, is based merely on lowly facts. As we shall see, prominent people are already saying that we should ignore The Color of Crime, because it wasn’t produced by the right sort of people. (And of course, the “right sort of people†never tells the truth about race and crime.)
* Charges of racial profiling, which maintain that police target innocent black motorists for traffic stops notwithstanding, a 2002 study by Maryland’s Public Service Research Institute found that police were stopping too few black speeders (23%), compared to their proportion of actual speeders (25%). In fact, “blacks were twice as likely to speed as whites†in general, and there was an even higher frequency of black speeders in the 90-mph and higher range.
* “… the only evidence for police bias is disproportionate arrest rates for those groups police critics say are the targets of bias. High black arrest rates appear to reflect high crime rates, not police misconduct.â€
* Blacks not only commit violent crimes at far higher rates than non-blacks, but their crimes are more violent than those of whites. Blacks are three times as likely as non-blacks to commit assault with guns, and twice as likely as non-blacks to commit assault with knives.
* Blacks not only commit violent crimes at far higher rates than whites, but blacks commit “white collar†offenses -- fraud, bribery, racketeering and embezzlement, respectively -- at two to five times the white rate.
* The single greatest indicator of an area’s crime rate is not poverty or education, but race and ethnicity. Even when one controls for income, the black crime rate is much higher than the white rate.
Things are actually much worse than the above notes suggest. As The Color of Crime notes, the feds inflate white crime statistics by counting Hispanic offenders as white; at the same time, “Hispanics are a [hate crime] victim category but not a perpetrator category.†If someone attacks a Mexican for racial reasons, he becomes a Hispanic victim of a hate crime. However, if the same Mexican commits a hate crime against a black, he is classified as a ‘white’ perpetrator. Even more absurdly, if a Mexican commits a hate crime against a white, both victim and perpetrator are reported as white.†Thus, the number of white perpetrators is exaggerated, while the number of white victims is constricted by the federal double-standard.
And as the study fails to note, with black-on-white male prison rape an institutionalized sport among black inmates, hundreds of thousands of white men have thus been victimized but never counted by the government. Meanwhile, white-on-black male prison rape is virtually non-existent.
Some of the study’s many sources were the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports (UCRs); the feds’ National Crime Victimization Study (NCVS), in which 149,000 people across the country, in statistical proportion to all demographic groups, were called; the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS); and Supplemental Homicide Reports (SHRs); State Court Processing Statistics (SCPS); National Youth Gang Survey; the Federal Justice Statistics Program (FJSP); and National Corrections Reporting Program (NCRP). The succinct report slays dragons in the course of mere footnotes, such as its nailing of tenured California State University criminology professor Phyllis B. Gerstenfeld, who in her book Hate Crimes: Causes, Controls and Controversies, the reality of interracial violence be damned, depicted whites only as perpetrators, and not as the victims of hate crimes.
The Color of Crime – not to be confused with a 1998 piece of propaganda of the same name by tenured University of Maryland professor of criminology, Katheryn K. Russell -- is the most scientifically rigorous research on crime and race available. It’s the state of the art.
The mainstream media will surely be anxious to publicize and discuss The Color of Crime. After all, hasn’t the public been inundated since the late 1990s (and ultimately, since the 1960s) with dubious charges of racism (“racial profilingâ€) against law enforcement and the justice system? And don’t the MSM always tell us that they will report on anything newsworthy? Doesn’t the New York Times claim to be “the newspaper of recordâ€?
In a future column, we shall see just how the MSM has responded to The Color of Crime.
In any event, the report gave in precise numbers what any sentient being over the age of twenty and living in the United States has long known. A 75-year-old Irish neighbor of mine is a retired nurse who was run out of a once-lovely Brooklyn neighborhood forty years ago by “integration†(read: brazen black crime in broad daylight). As she said to me last spring on the street, “The problem is … you know what the problem is.â€
You ever think of just going back to assfrica? you can finish ruining that country. because you will get nowhere here. WPWW
By Louis Andrews In general, the world is a rational place in which winners on the whole deserve to win and losers deserve to lose. It is only for the exception, the lives that are strikingly unfair, that we maintain the mediating devices of social welfare. William A. Henry III Once upon a time it was expected that changes in laws would bring about racial equality. What is one to think when, despite these laws, racial differences in achievement have changed little in the last twenty-five years? An Associated Press bulletin from October 30th, 1997 is entitled "D.C. students post disappointing scores." Recent reports indicate that a black male in Washington, D.C. has about an 85% expectation of being arrested at least once in his life. Despite over thirty years of legislation and affirmative action, the situation has in many ways worsened. What are we missing? Gunnar Myrdal's An American Dilemma was published by the Carnegie Foundation fifty-three years ago and is considered the most important book published on race relations in America. In fact, one could argue that it is the single most important study of American society published in the 20th Century. Myrdal was from Sweden, a mono-racial country where black-white relations were never a problem. Essentially, Myrdal argued that the problem with American black culture was pathological. The cause of this condition was simple: discrimination. Blacks were disadvantaged because whites would not allow blacks to participate fully in American life. Since the cause was simple the solution was equally simple: end discrimination. The origins and logic of the mores of the existing society were unimportant; it is not just (said the world-renowned egalitarian socialist) therefore it must be changed. Some strongly disagreed with Myrdal's diagnosis of pathology, including influential blacks in favour of change; but their criticisms went unheeded. For example, the black intellectual, Ralph Ellison, wrote a solicited review of An American Dilemma for The Antioch Review, but they refused to publish it because of its antagonistic approach. Ellison thought it absurd that anyone would believe that his black culture was created by discrimination. He wrote: Can a people live and develop for over 300 years simply by reacting? Are American Negroes simply the creation of white man, or have they at least helped to create themselves out of what they found around them? Men have made a way of life in caves and upon cliffs, why cannot Negroes have made a life upon the horns of the white man's dilemma? He argued that Myrdal's view robbed blacks of dignity. Indeed many other ethnic groups in the United States had suffered discrimination, including the Chinese, the Irish and the Jews and yet neither Myrdal nor others were calling their cultures pathological. The pathological argument is still very much alive and played an influential role in Dinesh D'Souza's The End of Racism. As we shall see, one of the newest books, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible, continues in the tradition - although with a quite different tone. The Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954, only ten years after An American Dilemma, was strongly influenced by Myrdal's book. Then came the civil rights revolution, which lasted over a decade. This was followed a few years later by affirmative action, ostensibly to bring America's black population into the mainstream. However, something stopped the train. Over 25 years later (1992), Andrew Hacker, in his bestseller, Two Nations, Separate and Unequal, could still argue that white racism is all pervasive and thus - back to Myrdal - contemporary black failure is caused by white discrimination. Two recent books have been compared favorably to An American Dilemma. The new volume by Abigail and Steven Thernstrom, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible, and Why Race Matters by Michael Levin. The Thernstrom study has been widely reviewed and even the rather left-wing New York Times Book Review treated it with some respect. This hefty tome reviews the history of race (black/white) relations in America, particularly since 1865. It addresses the important issues of poverty and crime, the effects of forced integration, employment, education, and the existing differences in test scores and apparent skills between the populations. One can presume that the title of the Thernstroms' book is a pointed response to Andrew Hacker's 1992 classic Two Nations: Separate and Unequal. While Hacker's valuable study is pessimistic, the Thernstrom book is optimistic but no less valuable. The books are alike in that they both consider inherent race differences non-existent, or irrelevant to the problem of race relations. One could say that Hacker considers white racism the real "problem." The Thernstroms, on the other hand, argue that while white racism was the primary problem for many years it is no longer much of a problem. To them the real issues seem to be the unwillingness of many blacks to adopt white American ideals and habits. If only blacks would "act like whites" then they would be like whites, and the whole issue of race in contemporary America will become relatively unimportant. Nevertheless both Hacker and the Thernstroms are environmentalist egalitarians. One excoriates whites for black failure, the other blames blacks for their own failure. America in Black and White offers a massive amount of data on numerous aspects of America's racial dilemma, from poverty, crime, and politics to education. The authors acknowledge that the current gap in cognitive skills "must be closed if the black middle class is to continue to expand." They also note that "if the African-American crime rate suddenly dropped to the current level of the white crime rate, we would eliminate a major force that is driving blacks and whites apart and is destroying the fabric of black urban life." While they present dramatic data on race differences in SAT scores (for "scores of 750 and up, the white to black ratio was 212 to 1.") they state, "we do not find IQ...a useful concept." Nevertheless, the Thernstroms provide ample data to destroy many left-wing beliefs. Speaking of the urban riots of the 1960's they note that these "racial disorders were most likely to occur when the condition of life for blacks was least oppressive, according to objective measures, not most oppressive." One valuable aspect of the book is its clarification that most gains by blacks in education and economics occurred prior to the civil rights revolution, not after it. Thus this massive change in the structure of society has had much less impact on the well-being of the individual black person than is generally recognized. Nonetheless, this change has had significant impact elsewhere. A 1993 victim survey of crimes reported that of 1.7 million interracial crimes, 89% involved white victims and black perpetrators. This would have been unheard of in earlier years. After adjusting for population size, "Blacks were 50 times more likely to commit violent crimes against whites than whites against blacks." So why is it, one might ask, that racial hate crimes are generally considered to be white-on-black crimes, while the huge preponderance of interracial crime is black-on-white? The answer is: politics. One position serves egalitarian political goals, the other does not. How else can one explain such anomalies as the inclusion of "Hispanic" in the category of victim, but not in the category of perpetrator? FBI crime statistics consider Hispanic perpetrators of crime to be white; but when these same whites become victimized by a crime they suddenly become Hispanics, not whites. Dice are seldom loaded for no good reason. The Thernstroms discuss Kenneth Clark and his research on the harmful effects of segregation - used in testimony in the Brown decision. However, they fail to note that a number of white and black scholars have discovered that Clark's studies, if anything, showed that integration, not segregation, had a more harmful effect on the self esteem of young blacks. (This point was addressed by the black legal theorist Roy Brooks and discussed in the review of his book, Separation or Integration: A Strategy for Racial Equality, in pinc Vol. 1 No. 2.) The Thernstroms do an excellent job describing the disruption caused by busing and enforced school integration. For example, in Boston, the average minority child went to a school 24% white in 1973. In 1974 Judge Garity handed down his now famous busing decision. By 1993, after huge social and financial cost to the Boston community, "the average black child attended a Boston Public schools that was only 17% white..." White enrollment in Boston's public school dropped from 62,000 in 1970 to 11,000 in 1994. Interestingly, in 1994 the cost of busing in Boston was still about 30 million dollars per year in order to avoid the segregation "problem" that busing had created. They also briefly discuss the Kansas City debacle, where Judge Clark's order has resulted in 1.3 billion dollars extra expenditure by the school board as of 1995. This is over $36,000 for each of the system's students. Despite the new world-class schools and other amenities, white enrollment fell further and African-American students failed to improve their academic performance. White/black test scores remained as far apart as they had ever been. The issue of black teacher competency is raised in some detail by the Thernstroms. This has long been a hot potato. In the original 1966 Coleman Report (On Equality of Educational Opportunity) the data on black teachers was dropped entirely from the published report because they were so devastatingly bad, particularly for male teachers. Suppression of the data continued until the early 1990s, shortly before the death of Prof. Coleman. In California only 35% of African-Americans have been passing the California Basic Educational Skills Test and as a result they filed "the largest employment discrimination suit ever filed in federal court." This suit involved over 50,000 minority plaintiffs. The State of California ruling in 1966 noted that "School teachers who use improper grammar or spelling, or who make mistakes in simple calculations, modeled that behavior for their students -- much to the detriment of their education." The Thernstroms also address the issue raised most eloquently by Jonathan Kozol, in his classic best-seller Savage Inequalities, of the difference in per-pupil expenditures between black and white school children. They note that the evidence from the National Center for Educational Statistics for the 1989-1990 school year found that the higher the percentage of minority students in a school district, the higher the level of spending, even after differences in cost of living and other variables were held constant. Districts with a 'minority/majority' were not 'starved' compared to overwhelmingly white districts; they actually spent 15% more, on the average, than districts in which minority enrollment was less than 5%. In addition, black inner city schools typically spent far more than primarily white suburban schools per student. For example, both Hartford, Conn's. and Washington DC's schools spend substantially more per pupil that their suburban surroundings. Kozol was wrong. Predominantly black school districts are generally well funded in comparison to white districts. Concerning the value of the desegregation efforts of the 70's and 80's, the Thernstroms write, "It is plausible to think that they helped significantly, but recent analysis suggests not. Those black students who have remained in predominantly African-American Schools have improved their scores as much or more than those attending integrated schools." This fact has been noted earlier by the sociological researcher David Armor, who has studied desegregation efforts extensively in communities around the United States since the mid 1960s. As a desegregation supporter, he has nevertheless remarked that, based on the evidence, improved school performance is the last reason for one to favor desegregation. In terms of the controversy that surrounds the policy of tracking in school, which generally results in the segregation of the tracks in integrated schools, the Thernstroms quote Thurgood Marshall, who argued in 1955, "[t]hey give tests to grade children...put the dumb colored kids in with the dumb white children, and put the smart colored children with the smart white children - that is no problem." Unfortunately, his wisdom has now been turned on its head since the higher level track is always predominantly white (and/or Asian) and the lower level track predominantly black; that is seen as prima facie evidence of discrimination instead of merely of a sorting by ability. Disparate impact does indeed have a stranglehold on reasonable solutions: since race differences are denied, discrimination becomes the only logical cause. In addressing the differences between predominantly black and predominantly white public schools, the Thernstroms hit on an important issue - discipline differences. They mention Emily Sachar, (pg. 379) who took a job teaching 8th grade mathematics in a predominantly black school in Brooklyn. "Many kids, she discovered, had never been taught how to sit still, how to control what they said, how to behave. Her students call her 'cuntface,' told her to 'fuck off,' spat in her face, played radios during class, and threw chairs at one another." It is hard to imagine that learning can go on in such a place. Nevertheless, it makes no sense to blame whites (as Hacker does) for the breakdown in school discipline unless one is prepared to say that a majority white (or non-black) student body is a prerequisite for reasonable discipline. One interesting feature of the Thernstroms' book is that they write approvingly about polls that seem to show that most people think that blacks and whites are equal in intelligence and that blacks and whites are about equally as likely to commit violent crimes. They see this as an indication that white racism is on the decline. However, if blacks and whites do differ in intelligence as groups (as the evidence indicates) and if black and white crime levels are substantially different (as they are) and polls indicate people believe differently; is that a sign of a reduction in racism or is it a sign of a lack of knowledge or reasoning ability among the population polled? Or is it perhaps just a fear of being labeled racist? I am not convinced that people's actions (such as flight to better school districts and refusal to go in the inner city areas after dark) agree with their answers on these polls. Michael Levin, in Why Race Matters; Race Differences and What They Mean covers a lot of the same ground in terms of crime, poverty, test scores and other differences between blacks and whites in the United States. In fact, in several cases one wonders whether the Thernstroms had perhaps seen his manuscript in circulation. However, Levin differs greatly from the Thernstroms in that he readily accepts race differences in IQ, motivation, and behavior. In fact, a substantial portion of the book is devoted to an explanation of the evolutionary origins of such race differences. Levin is a tenured professor of Philosophy at CUNY and the author of Metaphysics and the Mind-Body Problem and Freedom and Feminism, in addition to numerous essays and articles in both popular and scholastic publications. The latter book received a number of laudatory reviews from a variety of publications including the Wall Street Journal. I suspect that the Wall Street Journal, like many others, will pass on this one. Some coals are just too hot to touch. Levin is perhaps best known as the professor who successfully sued his institution when they attempted to change his classroom assignments and otherwise pressure him because of the student furor created by some rather mild comments about race differences that he wrote for an obscure Australian journal. Levin took a sabbatical to write the initial draft of Why Race Matters in 1992 and began looking for a publisher shortly thereafter. It was rejected over the years by many publishers. In the meantime, other books which have dealt with the race issue, such as Herrnstein and Murray's The Bell Curve, and J. Philippe Rushton's Race, Evolution, and Behavior took their heat, and went on to popular paperback editions with Afterword updates, while Levin's book languished in his computer files. Eventually an academic publisher, Praeger, picked it up for its Human Evolution, Behavior, and Intelligence series (edited by the educator and author, Seymour Itzkoff). The first small printing (June 1997) was quickly sold out and the second is now available. Reviews in several professional journals are forthcoming although the popular intellectual press has thus far ignored the book. Part of the difficulty in finding a major publisher lay in the book's philosophical nature and its totally relentless assault on conventional racial wisdom. What is the ordinary book editor to think when confronted with sections entitled "Race differences in personal goodness", "Intensity of preference for other race victims" and "Race differences in free will" ? An important facet of Levin's theories is that race differences have no moral significance in themselves, but are merely facts of nature. Inspiring this theory is commitment to naturalism, the position that human values can be explained solely in term of preferences, reinforcements and selection for preferences and reinforcements without the assumption that anything in the universe is actually good or right. (The possibility of a value-free social science is one corollary of naturalism.) Moral approval is merely a categorical reinforcement tendency by which a group makes clear the rules it wants it members to follow. To clarify further, a moral issue such as honesty benefits the individual and others to the extent that all are honest. In contrast, "the desire to get everyone to jog and reinforce jogging would be less a moral conviction than an obsession." Jogging only benefits the jogger, honesty benefits the other members of society besides just the person being honest. As one might expect, developing a naturalistic view of morality also involves other issues. For instance, morality might differ in different societies because of evolutionary differences in development. This does not mean that one society is necessarily better than the other, only that one is more beneficial in a given environment where it developed than the other might be. __________________ After all this time nothings changed,the media just tries to make you think it has. Here is an idea,how about you support your people with your taxes and we support ours? Bet you couldn't could you.
David X is the East Regional Minister of Information for The New Black Panther Party For Self Defense. He is also a member of Black Rebel Media, and The Independent Black News Network (IBNN).
The many comments on this site were interesting to read and the facts were old and outdated; but I am Black and Proud of My Ancestry; which might be Black African and might not be a whole lot; but as long as we HUMAN BEINGS KILL each other than I guess it don't matter what COLOR I AM we have done it for over 10,000 yrs why should this year(2012) stop us now. Both White and Black and other Colors continue this against each other and one another so its not about race(COLOR), Its about what u have and I have not. and that's all
Whether anyone reads this or not it seems that one person mainly (Cracker) puts up these long and readable comments and yet when this world was created and I know I will get reaction it did not say it was created in the Rhine or mentions the River Thames(England) or any other Northern region but in the Cradle of Human Kind(Africa)which has no Original Whites or Latins or Asians But Like I said in my Original We as Man have been killing and committing Crude and Cruel Things to each other regardless of Race or Color its in Our Nature to HATE each other. That is what must change not this u raise your child to believe what u know but that they have the capacity to learn from History and change their ways while they have the Strength and Opportunity. But God decides all what happens and so guess there will be ugly words about my comments-LOL
NAAWP identifies a LILY WHITE LYING PIECE of DOG$HYT!
The NAAWP does not SANCTION WHITE on BLACK HATE CRIMES!
This WHITE POLICE OFFICER's LIFE was never "AT RISK" and he should be held fully accountable for this COLD-BLOODED-MURDER!
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION for the ADVANCEMENT of WHITE PEOPLE - 2015
Campus Police Officer Indicted for Murder in Cincinnati Shooting of Black Motorist
An Ohio prosecutor announced a murder indictment for a University of Cincinnati police officer who shot and killed a motorist after stopping him for a missing front...
8 Comments:
America is built on lies and people are still dying. Especially black people. Katrina is the proof.
The Color of Crime: Study on Racial Differences Released
By Nicholas Stix (10/06/05)
Imagine if one demographic group in America were 33 times more prone to commit crimes than another group. How would you feel about the relatively crime-prone group? The relatively crime-free group? Wouldn’t you want to know about such differences?
But we don’t have to imagine anything. The above contrast was not a hypothetical case, but rather the statistical relationship of black to Asian crime in America, as detailed in the new report, The Color of Crime, released by the New Century Foundation, the organization that sponsors American Renaissance magazine.
* “… between 2001 and 2003, blacks were 39 times more likely to commit violent crimes against whites than the reverse, and 136 times more likely to commit robbery.â€
* Between 2001 and 2003, blacks committed, on average, 15,400 black-on-white rapes per year, while whites averaged only 900 white-on-black rapes per year.
* “Of the nearly 770,000 violent interracial crimes committed every year involving blacks and whites, blacks commit 85 percent and whites commit 15 percent.â€
But there are five-and-one-half as many whites as blacks. If anything, the numbers should be reversed. After all, as leftists always tell us, all groups are supposed to be equally represented in all categories, for good or ill. (Well, not really. Leftists never call on the NBA and NFL to institute racial parity for white players.)
* Nationally, youth gangs are 90 percent non-white. “Hispanics are 19 times more likely than whites to be members of youth gangs. Blacks are 15 times more likely, and Asians are nine times more likely.â€
* The only crime category in which Asians are more heavily represented than whites is illegal gambling.
* “Blacks commit more violent crime against whites than against blacks. Forty-five percent of their victims are white, 43 percent are black, and 10 percent are Hispanic. When whites commit violent crime, only three percent of their victims are black.â€
But how can that be, when for years commentators of all political persuasions have insisted that the majority of the victims of black crime are themselves black? But it has been true for some time, because blacks increasingly target whites based on the color of the latter’s skin. The commentators have been guilty variously of lying or laziness.
* Far from being guilty of “racially profiling†innocent blacks, police have been exercising racial bias on behalf of blacks, arresting fewer blacks than their proportion of criminals: “… blacks who committed crimes that were reported to the police were 26 percent less likely to be arrested than people of other races who committed the same crimes.â€
* “… police are determined to arrest non-black rather than black criminals.†(I have seen this practice in operation on the streets and subways of New York.)
* “[Blacks] are eight times more likely than people of other races to rob someone, for example, and 5.5 times more likely to steal a car.â€
Well, as everyone knows, innocent blacks get rounded up by the police all the time, so we can safely ignore such statistics. After all, isn’t that what the NAACP, Village Voice, New York Times, and countless black “activists†and prominent academics have been saying for years? And although the folks insisting on the reality of racial profiling have no facts to back up their claims, they enjoy political prestige and moral authority. The Color of Crime, meanwhile, is based merely on lowly facts. As we shall see, prominent people are already saying that we should ignore The Color of Crime, because it wasn’t produced by the right sort of people. (And of course, the “right sort of people†never tells the truth about race and crime.)
* Charges of racial profiling, which maintain that police target innocent black motorists for traffic stops notwithstanding, a 2002 study by Maryland’s Public Service Research Institute found that police were stopping too few black speeders (23%), compared to their proportion of actual speeders (25%). In fact, “blacks were twice as likely to speed as whites†in general, and there was an even higher frequency of black speeders in the 90-mph and higher range.
* “… the only evidence for police bias is disproportionate arrest rates for those groups police critics say are the targets of bias. High black arrest rates appear to reflect high crime rates, not police misconduct.â€
* Blacks not only commit violent crimes at far higher rates than non-blacks, but their crimes are more violent than those of whites. Blacks are three times as likely as non-blacks to commit assault with guns, and twice as likely as non-blacks to commit assault with knives.
* Blacks not only commit violent crimes at far higher rates than whites, but blacks commit “white collar†offenses -- fraud, bribery, racketeering and embezzlement, respectively -- at two to five times the white rate.
* The single greatest indicator of an area’s crime rate is not poverty or education, but race and ethnicity. Even when one controls for income, the black crime rate is much higher than the white rate.
Things are actually much worse than the above notes suggest. As The Color of Crime notes, the feds inflate white crime statistics by counting Hispanic offenders as white; at the same time, “Hispanics are a [hate crime] victim category but not a perpetrator category.†If someone attacks a Mexican for racial reasons, he becomes a Hispanic victim of a hate crime. However, if the same Mexican commits a hate crime against a black, he is classified as a ‘white’ perpetrator. Even more absurdly, if a Mexican commits a hate crime against a white, both victim and perpetrator are reported as white.†Thus, the number of white perpetrators is exaggerated, while the number of white victims is constricted by the federal double-standard.
And as the study fails to note, with black-on-white male prison rape an institutionalized sport among black inmates, hundreds of thousands of white men have thus been victimized but never counted by the government. Meanwhile, white-on-black male prison rape is virtually non-existent.
Some of the study’s many sources were the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports (UCRs); the feds’ National Crime Victimization Study (NCVS), in which 149,000 people across the country, in statistical proportion to all demographic groups, were called; the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS); and Supplemental Homicide Reports (SHRs); State Court Processing Statistics (SCPS); National Youth Gang Survey; the Federal Justice Statistics Program (FJSP); and National Corrections Reporting Program (NCRP). The succinct report slays dragons in the course of mere footnotes, such as its nailing of tenured California State University criminology professor Phyllis B. Gerstenfeld, who in her book Hate Crimes: Causes, Controls and Controversies, the reality of interracial violence be damned, depicted whites only as perpetrators, and not as the victims of hate crimes.
The Color of Crime – not to be confused with a 1998 piece of propaganda of the same name by tenured University of Maryland professor of criminology, Katheryn K. Russell -- is the most scientifically rigorous research on crime and race available. It’s the state of the art.
The mainstream media will surely be anxious to publicize and discuss The Color of Crime. After all, hasn’t the public been inundated since the late 1990s (and ultimately, since the 1960s) with dubious charges of racism (“racial profilingâ€) against law enforcement and the justice system? And don’t the MSM always tell us that they will report on anything newsworthy? Doesn’t the New York Times claim to be “the newspaper of recordâ€?
In a future column, we shall see just how the MSM has responded to The Color of Crime.
In any event, the report gave in precise numbers what any sentient being over the age of twenty and living in the United States has long known. A 75-year-old Irish neighbor of mine is a retired nurse who was run out of a once-lovely Brooklyn neighborhood forty years ago by “integration†(read: brazen black crime in broad daylight). As she said to me last spring on the street, “The problem is … you know what the problem is.â€
You ever think of just going back to assfrica? you can finish ruining that country. because you will get nowhere here. WPWW
By Louis Andrews
In general, the world is a rational place in which winners on the whole deserve to win and losers deserve to lose. It is only for the exception, the lives that are strikingly unfair, that we maintain the mediating devices of social welfare.
William A. Henry III
Once upon a time it was expected that changes in laws would bring about racial equality. What is one to think when, despite these laws, racial differences in achievement have changed little in the last twenty-five years? An Associated Press bulletin from October 30th, 1997 is entitled "D.C. students post disappointing scores." Recent reports indicate that a black male in Washington, D.C. has about an 85% expectation of being arrested at least once in his life. Despite over thirty years of legislation and affirmative action, the situation has in many ways worsened. What are we missing?
Gunnar Myrdal's An American Dilemma was published by the Carnegie Foundation fifty-three years ago and is considered the most important book published on race relations in America. In fact, one could argue that it is the single most important study of American society published in the 20th Century. Myrdal was from Sweden, a mono-racial country where black-white relations were never a problem. Essentially, Myrdal argued that the problem with American black culture was pathological. The cause of this condition was simple: discrimination. Blacks were disadvantaged because whites would not allow blacks to participate fully in American life. Since the cause was simple the solution was equally simple: end discrimination. The origins and logic of the mores of the existing society were unimportant; it is not just (said the world-renowned egalitarian socialist) therefore it must be changed.
Some strongly disagreed with Myrdal's diagnosis of pathology, including influential blacks in favour of change; but their criticisms went unheeded. For example, the black intellectual, Ralph Ellison, wrote a solicited review of An American Dilemma for The Antioch Review, but they refused to publish it because of its antagonistic approach. Ellison thought it absurd that anyone would believe that his black culture was created by discrimination. He wrote:
Can a people live and develop for over 300 years simply by reacting? Are American Negroes simply the creation of white man, or have they at least helped to create themselves out of what they found around them? Men have made a way of life in caves and upon cliffs, why cannot Negroes have made a life upon the horns of the white man's dilemma?
He argued that Myrdal's view robbed blacks of dignity. Indeed many other ethnic groups in the United States had suffered discrimination, including the Chinese, the Irish and the Jews and yet neither Myrdal nor others were calling their cultures pathological.
The pathological argument is still very much alive and played an influential role in Dinesh D'Souza's The End of Racism. As we shall see, one of the newest books, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible, continues in the tradition - although with a quite different tone.
The Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954, only ten years after An American Dilemma, was strongly influenced by Myrdal's book. Then came the civil rights revolution, which lasted over a decade. This was followed a few years later by affirmative action, ostensibly to bring America's black population into the mainstream. However, something stopped the train. Over 25 years later (1992), Andrew Hacker, in his bestseller, Two Nations, Separate and Unequal, could still argue that white racism is all pervasive and thus - back to Myrdal - contemporary black failure is caused by white discrimination.
Two recent books have been compared favorably to An American Dilemma. The new volume by Abigail and Steven Thernstrom, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible, and Why Race Matters by Michael Levin.
The Thernstrom study has been widely reviewed and even the rather left-wing New York Times Book Review treated it with some respect. This hefty tome reviews the history of race (black/white) relations in America, particularly since 1865. It addresses the important issues of poverty and crime, the effects of forced integration, employment, education, and the existing differences in test scores and apparent skills between the populations.
One can presume that the title of the Thernstroms' book is a pointed response to Andrew Hacker's 1992 classic Two Nations: Separate and Unequal. While Hacker's valuable study is pessimistic, the Thernstrom book is optimistic but no less valuable. The books are alike in that they both consider inherent race differences non-existent, or irrelevant to the problem of race relations. One could say that Hacker considers white racism the real "problem." The Thernstroms, on the other hand, argue that while white racism was the primary problem for many years it is no longer much of a problem. To them the real issues seem to be the unwillingness of many blacks to adopt white American ideals and habits. If only blacks would "act like whites" then they would be like whites, and the whole issue of race in contemporary America will become relatively unimportant. Nevertheless both Hacker and the Thernstroms are environmentalist egalitarians. One excoriates whites for black failure, the other blames blacks for their own failure.
America in Black and White offers a massive amount of data on numerous aspects of America's racial dilemma, from poverty, crime, and politics to education. The authors acknowledge that the current gap in cognitive skills "must be closed if the black middle class is to continue to expand." They also note that "if the African-American crime rate suddenly dropped to the current level of the white crime rate, we would eliminate a major force that is driving blacks and whites apart and is destroying the fabric of black urban life." While they present dramatic data on race differences in SAT scores (for "scores of 750 and up, the white to black ratio was 212 to 1.") they state, "we do not find IQ...a useful concept."
Nevertheless, the Thernstroms provide ample data to destroy many left-wing beliefs. Speaking of the urban riots of the 1960's they note that these "racial disorders were most likely to occur when the condition of life for blacks was least oppressive, according to objective measures, not most oppressive." One valuable aspect of the book is its clarification that most gains by blacks in education and economics occurred prior to the civil rights revolution, not after it. Thus this massive change in the structure of society has had much less impact on the well-being of the individual black person than is generally recognized. Nonetheless, this change has had significant impact elsewhere. A 1993 victim survey of crimes reported that of 1.7 million interracial crimes, 89% involved white victims and black perpetrators. This would have been unheard of in earlier years. After adjusting for population size, "Blacks were 50 times more likely to commit violent crimes against whites than whites against blacks."
So why is it, one might ask, that racial hate crimes are generally considered to be white-on-black crimes, while the huge preponderance of interracial crime is black-on-white? The answer is: politics. One position serves egalitarian political goals, the other does not. How else can one explain such anomalies as the inclusion of "Hispanic" in the category of victim, but not in the category of perpetrator? FBI crime statistics consider Hispanic perpetrators of crime to be white; but when these same whites become victimized by a crime they suddenly become Hispanics, not whites. Dice are seldom loaded for no good reason.
The Thernstroms discuss Kenneth Clark and his research on the harmful effects of segregation - used in testimony in the Brown decision. However, they fail to note that a number of white and black scholars have discovered that Clark's studies, if anything, showed that integration, not segregation, had a more harmful effect on the self esteem of young blacks. (This point was addressed by the black legal theorist Roy Brooks and discussed in the review of his book, Separation or Integration: A Strategy for Racial Equality, in pinc Vol. 1 No. 2.)
The Thernstroms do an excellent job describing the disruption caused by busing and enforced school integration. For example, in Boston, the average minority child went to a school 24% white in 1973. In 1974 Judge Garity handed down his now famous busing decision. By 1993, after huge social and financial cost to the Boston community, "the average black child attended a Boston Public schools that was only 17% white..." White enrollment in Boston's public school dropped from 62,000 in 1970 to 11,000 in 1994. Interestingly, in 1994 the cost of busing in Boston was still about 30 million dollars per year in order to avoid the segregation "problem" that busing had created.
They also briefly discuss the Kansas City debacle, where Judge Clark's order has resulted in 1.3 billion dollars extra expenditure by the school board as of 1995. This is over $36,000 for each of the system's students. Despite the new world-class schools and other amenities, white enrollment fell further and African-American students failed to improve their academic performance. White/black test scores remained as far apart as they had ever been.
The issue of black teacher competency is raised in some detail by the Thernstroms. This has long been a hot potato. In the original 1966 Coleman Report (On Equality of Educational Opportunity) the data on black teachers was dropped entirely from the published report because they were so devastatingly bad, particularly for male teachers. Suppression of the data continued until the early 1990s, shortly before the death of Prof. Coleman. In California only 35% of African-Americans have been passing the California Basic Educational Skills Test and as a result they filed "the largest employment discrimination suit ever filed in federal court." This suit involved over 50,000 minority plaintiffs. The State of California ruling in 1966 noted that "School teachers who use improper grammar or spelling, or who make mistakes in simple calculations, modeled that behavior for their students -- much to the detriment of their education."
The Thernstroms also address the issue raised most eloquently by Jonathan Kozol, in his classic best-seller Savage Inequalities, of the difference in per-pupil expenditures between black and white school children. They note that the evidence from the National Center for Educational Statistics for the 1989-1990 school year found that
the higher the percentage of minority students in a school district, the higher the level of spending, even after differences in cost of living and other variables were held constant. Districts with a 'minority/majority' were not 'starved' compared to overwhelmingly white districts; they actually spent 15% more, on the average, than districts in which minority enrollment was less than 5%.
In addition, black inner city schools typically spent far more than primarily white suburban schools per student. For example, both Hartford, Conn's. and Washington DC's schools spend substantially more per pupil that their suburban surroundings. Kozol was wrong. Predominantly black school districts are generally well funded in comparison to white districts.
Concerning the value of the desegregation efforts of the 70's and 80's, the Thernstroms write, "It is plausible to think that they helped significantly, but recent analysis suggests not. Those black students who have remained in predominantly African-American Schools have improved their scores as much or more than those attending integrated schools." This fact has been noted earlier by the sociological researcher David Armor, who has studied desegregation efforts extensively in communities around the United States since the mid 1960s. As a desegregation supporter, he has nevertheless remarked that, based on the evidence, improved school performance is the last reason for one to favor desegregation.
In terms of the controversy that surrounds the policy of tracking in school, which generally results in the segregation of the tracks in integrated schools, the Thernstroms quote Thurgood Marshall, who argued in 1955, "[t]hey give tests to grade children...put the dumb colored kids in with the dumb white children, and put the smart colored children with the smart white children - that is no problem." Unfortunately, his wisdom has now been turned on its head since the higher level track is always predominantly white (and/or Asian) and the lower level track predominantly black; that is seen as prima facie evidence of discrimination instead of merely of a sorting by ability. Disparate impact does indeed have a stranglehold on reasonable solutions: since race differences are denied, discrimination becomes the only logical cause.
In addressing the differences between predominantly black and predominantly white public schools, the Thernstroms hit on an important issue - discipline differences. They mention Emily Sachar, (pg. 379) who took a job teaching 8th grade mathematics in a predominantly black school in Brooklyn. "Many kids, she discovered, had never been taught how to sit still, how to control what they said, how to behave. Her students call her 'cuntface,' told her to 'fuck off,' spat in her face, played radios during class, and threw chairs at one another." It is hard to imagine that learning can go on in such a place. Nevertheless, it makes no sense to blame whites (as Hacker does) for the breakdown in school discipline unless one is prepared to say that a majority white (or non-black) student body is a prerequisite for reasonable discipline.
One interesting feature of the Thernstroms' book is that they write approvingly about polls that seem to show that most people think that blacks and whites are equal in intelligence and that blacks and whites are about equally as likely to commit violent crimes. They see this as an indication that white racism is on the decline. However, if blacks and whites do differ in intelligence as groups (as the evidence indicates) and if black and white crime levels are substantially different (as they are) and polls indicate people believe differently; is that a sign of a reduction in racism or is it a sign of a lack of knowledge or reasoning ability among the population polled? Or is it perhaps just a fear of being labeled racist? I am not convinced that people's actions (such as flight to better school districts and refusal to go in the inner city areas after dark) agree with their answers on these polls.
Michael Levin, in Why Race Matters; Race Differences and What They Mean covers a lot of the same ground in terms of crime, poverty, test scores and other differences between blacks and whites in the United States. In fact, in several cases one wonders whether the Thernstroms had perhaps seen his manuscript in circulation. However, Levin differs greatly from the Thernstroms in that he readily accepts race differences in IQ, motivation, and behavior. In fact, a substantial portion of the book is devoted to an explanation of the evolutionary origins of such race differences.
Levin is a tenured professor of Philosophy at CUNY and the author of Metaphysics and the Mind-Body Problem and Freedom and Feminism, in addition to numerous essays and articles in both popular and scholastic publications. The latter book received a number of laudatory reviews from a variety of publications including the Wall Street Journal. I suspect that the Wall Street Journal, like many others, will pass on this one. Some coals are just too hot to touch. Levin is perhaps best known as the professor who successfully sued his institution when they attempted to change his classroom assignments and otherwise pressure him because of the student furor created by some rather mild comments about race differences that he wrote for an obscure Australian journal.
Levin took a sabbatical to write the initial draft of Why Race Matters in 1992 and began looking for a publisher shortly thereafter. It was rejected over the years by many publishers. In the meantime, other books which have dealt with the race issue, such as Herrnstein and Murray's The Bell Curve, and J. Philippe Rushton's Race, Evolution, and Behavior took their heat, and went on to popular paperback editions with Afterword updates, while Levin's book languished in his computer files. Eventually an academic publisher, Praeger, picked it up for its Human Evolution, Behavior, and Intelligence series (edited by the educator and author, Seymour Itzkoff). The first small printing (June 1997) was quickly sold out and the second is now available. Reviews in several professional journals are forthcoming although the popular intellectual press has thus far ignored the book.
Part of the difficulty in finding a major publisher lay in the book's philosophical nature and its totally relentless assault on conventional racial wisdom. What is the ordinary book editor to think when confronted with sections entitled "Race differences in personal goodness", "Intensity of preference for other race victims" and "Race differences in free will" ?
An important facet of Levin's theories is that race differences have no moral significance in themselves, but are merely facts of nature.
Inspiring this theory is commitment to naturalism, the position that human values can be explained solely in term of preferences, reinforcements and selection for preferences and reinforcements without the assumption that anything in the universe is actually good or right. (The possibility of a value-free social science is one corollary of naturalism.)
Moral approval is merely a categorical reinforcement tendency by which a group makes clear the rules it wants it members to follow. To clarify further, a moral issue such as honesty benefits the individual and others to the extent that all are honest. In contrast, "the desire to get everyone to jog and reinforce jogging would be less a moral conviction than an obsession." Jogging only benefits the jogger, honesty benefits the other members of society besides just the person being honest. As one might expect, developing a naturalistic view of morality also involves other issues. For instance, morality might differ in different societies because of evolutionary differences in development. This does not mean that one society is necessarily better than the other, only that one is more beneficial in a given environment where it developed than the other might be.
__________________
After all this time nothings changed,the media just tries to make you think it has. Here is an idea,how about you support your people with your taxes and we support ours? Bet you couldn't could you.
Party of self defense? lol
David X is the East Regional Minister of Information for The New Black Panther Party For Self Defense.
He is also a member of Black Rebel Media, and The Independent Black News Network (IBNN).
The many comments on this site were interesting to read and the facts were old and outdated; but I am Black and Proud of My Ancestry; which might be Black African and might not be a whole lot; but as long as we HUMAN BEINGS KILL each other than I guess it don't matter what COLOR I AM we have done it for over 10,000 yrs why should this year(2012) stop us now. Both White and Black and other Colors continue this against each other and one another so its not about race(COLOR), Its about what u have and I have not. and that's all
Whether anyone reads this or not it seems that one person mainly (Cracker) puts up these long and readable comments and yet when this world was created and I know I will get reaction it did not say it was created in the Rhine or mentions the River Thames(England) or any other Northern region but in the Cradle of Human Kind(Africa)which has no Original Whites or Latins or Asians
But Like I said in my Original We as Man have been killing and committing Crude and Cruel Things to each other regardless of Race or Color its in Our Nature to HATE each other. That is what must change not this u raise your child to believe what u know but that they have the capacity to learn from History and change their ways while they have the Strength and Opportunity. But God decides all what happens and so guess there will be ugly words about my comments-LOL
NAAWP identifies a LILY WHITE LYING PIECE of DOG$HYT!
The NAAWP does not SANCTION WHITE on BLACK HATE CRIMES!
This WHITE POLICE OFFICER's LIFE was never "AT RISK" and he should be held fully accountable for this COLD-BLOODED-MURDER!
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION for the ADVANCEMENT of WHITE PEOPLE - 2015
Campus Police Officer Indicted for Murder in Cincinnati Shooting of Black Motorist
An Ohio prosecutor announced a murder indictment for a University of Cincinnati police officer who shot and killed a motorist after stopping him for a missing front...
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